The French government is teetering as it struggles to pass its Budget bill through the French parliament. Prime Minister Michel Barnier’s minority government has proposed tough measures to right the nation’s dire finances, yet the opposition, led by the right wing Rassemblement National (RN), has demanded big changes to it.
RN leader Jordan Bardella gave Barnier an ultimatum at the weekend, pledging to bring a vote of no confidence in the government if it doesn’t make significant changes. Barnier had originally unveiled a plan to increase state revenues by €60 billion a year (roughly 2% of GDP). The goal is to stop France’s runaway government spending: the gap between spending and tax receipts is now 6.1%, Barnier’s Budget aims to reduce it to 5% next year. Under EU law, this deficit shouldn’t be more than 3% except in unusual circumstances.
According to the government, two-thirds of the €60bn infusion would come from lower-than-planned spending increases on healthcare, unemployment benefits and public servants, while one-third would be raised by increased taxes on companies and the wealthy. That has been challenged by others, however, who think taxes will actually make up almost three-quarters of the Budget measures. This discrepancy has annoyed one faction within the government coalition that wants spending reductions to do the heavy lifting and another which wants taxes to pick up the slack. And both the right and left aren’t happy with the reductions in benefits. In short, it’s turned into a four-way dispute between the left, the right, the centrist government and itself.
Meanwhile, investors in French government bonds are voting with their feet. For years the yield of France’s 10-year bonds has traded around 0.5% above that of its German counterpart. Known as the ‘spread’, this extra return accounts for the greater risk of holding French debt as opposed to German. When France became mired in a political crisis in June this year, that spread spiked to 0.75%. It now has a higher yield than Spain, which has long been considered riskier as a ‘peripheral’ part of the Eurozone. It’s on a par with Greece, long seen as a problem child of Europe.
The French spread is now threatening to break above the levels reached during the 2017 election when fears were rising that RN’s Marine Le Pen would win the presidency. Before that, you have to go back to the eurozone crisis of 2011-12 for even higher levels (when the peak was 1.8%).
Barnier’s administration has already survived one vote of no confidence, that one called by the left-wing opposition just a fortnight after it took power in September. The alliance of several socialist, green and communist parties had won the most seats in the July election, but hadn’t been asked by centrist President Emmanuel Macron to form a government. If the government dissolves again, France’s best hope of addressing its unsustainable finances will dissolve along with it. That would probably send French bond yields – and therefore the government’s borrowing costs – even higher, making the problem worse.
Sooner or later, France will need to fix its roof.